moreover when the country of the latter is generally "high" in the
estimation of the former, the idealized paradigm as shown in Figure 1 would
be approximated. In this diagram, X, the person from a country with
egalitarian views, behaves toward Y, the person from a hierarchically
oriented country, as if he occupied the same "level"; that is, in
equalitarian terms.
Figure 1.
But Y perceives X in a high-status position X1, "above" X's image of
his own status in the relationship. Since from Y's point of view X does not
behave as he "ought" to—he behaves as an equal rather than as a superior—Y
may be expected to feel confusion and disorientation. The confusion can be
resolved readily only by Y's assuming an equal status with X, or by X's
assuming the position X1 assigned to him by Y; i.e., either by closing or
by validating the "arc of status-cue confusion" shown by the arrow.
The reader will note that in effect we have already substituted
"average American" for X, and "average Japanese" for Y. We have found that
the diagram has been meaningful as an ideal model for the analysis of
interaction patterns between Japanese and Americans. In many cases the
conditions denoted by the diagram were actually found: Americans do behave
toward Japanese as equals, while the Japanese perceive the Americans as,
and in some cases expect them to behave like, superiors. In this ideal
situation since the Japanese is generally not able to respond as an equal,
and since withdrawal and distant respect are proper behavior both for
interaction with superiors and for interaction in situations where status
is ambiguous, he simply retires into enryo and communication is impaired.
This model does much to explain what many educators and foreign student
counsellors have come to feel as "typical" behavior of the shy, embarrassed
Japanese student on the American campus.
A revealing interchange on the matter of status imagery by some twelve
Japanese sojourner students was recorded during a two-hour group discussion
planned by the project but not attended by Americans. A translation of part
of this interchange follows.
M: As I see it, Japanese think of Americans as nobility. So, it is
hard to accept invitations because of the status difference.
K: I don't agree fully. Americans are not nobility to us, but they do
have a higher social status, so that it is hard to accept invitations. But
there is a "category" of persons who are known and placed as "foreign
students," and we can take advantage of this general foreign student status
and go to American homes and places.
N: During foreign student orientation we came and went as we desired
as "foreign students." But here, as an individual person, I have felt it
necessary to return invitations which are extended to me, and this I find
very difficult since I have no income and must return the invitation in a
manner suited to the status of the person.
M: Only if the invitation is from Americans who we can accept as
status equals to us should it be returned. . . . American table manners are
difficult to learn, and it is a problem similar to that encountered by
anyone who attempts to enter a higher social class in Japan. . . . Japanese
just can't stand on an equal footing with Americans. ... I wouldn't want an
American janitor to see my house in Japan. It is so miserable.
N: Why? That seems extreme.
M: Because I have social aspirations. I am a "climber." A Japanese
house in Tokyo is too dirty to invite an American to—for example, could I
invite him to use my poor bathroom? (General laughter)
At a later point in the discussion, the following emerged:
Mrs. N: I have watched American movies in Japan and in the United
States I have seen American men—and they all look like Robert Taylor. No
Japanese men look like Robert Taylor.
M: Again I say it is not a matter of beauty, but one of status.
Mrs. N: No, it is not status—not calculation of economic worth or
anything —but of beauty. Americans are more beautiful—they look nicer than
Japanese.
U: It is the same in other things. Americans look nice, for example,
during an oral examination in college. They look more attractive. Japanese
look down, crushed, ugly.
At a still later point, one of the discussants embarked on a long
monologue on the ramifications of the status problem. Part of this
monologue runs as follows:
A high-status Japanese man going out with American girls knows
something of what he must do—for example, he must be polite—but he does not
know the language so he can be no competition to American men, who will be
superior. In an emergency, for example, the Japanese male regresses to
Japanese behavior. Great Japanese professors are embarrassed for the first
few months in the United States because they can't even beat American
college juniors in sociable behavior or expression of ideas. They don't
know the language, they feel inferior. These people, forgetting that they
were unable "to defeat America, become highly antagonistic to the United
States. . . .They reason that Japan must be superior, not inferior to the
United States, because they are unable to master it. While in America, of
course, they may write home about their wonderful times and experiences —
to hide their real feelings. Actually while they are in the U.S. they feel
as though they were nothing.
Some quotations from two different interviews with another subject:
Before I came to the States, I expected that whatever I would do in
the U.S. would be observed by Americans and would become their source of
knowledge of Japan and the Japanese. So I thought I had to be careful. In
the dormitory, there is a Nisei boy from whom I ask advice about my manners
and clothing! I asked him to tell me any time when my body smells or my
clothing is dirty. I, as a Japanese, want to look nice to Americans.
In general, I think I do less talking than the others in my courses.
I'm always afraid that if I raise questions along the lines of Japanese
thinking about the subject—or simply from my own way of looking at
something—it might raise some question on the part of .the others. When
talking to a professor I can talk quite freely, but not in class. I am self-
conscious.
These specimen quotations help to show that quite frequently the
perspective of many Japanese students toward America has some of the
qualities of the triangular model of interaction. Regardless of how our
Japanese subjects may have behaved, or learned to behave, they harbored, as
a picture in the back of their minds, an image of the Americans as people a
notch or two "above" Japan and the Japanese. Thus even while a Japanese may
"look down" on what he calls "American materialism," he may "in the back of
his mind" continue to "look up" to the United States and its people as a
whole, as a "generalized other." Our cultural model of interaction is thus
felt to be a very fundamental and highly generalized component of imagery,
as well as a very generalized way of describing the behavior of Japanese
and Americans in certain typical interactive situations.
Quite obviously the model, taken by itself, would be a very poor
instrument of prediction of the actual behavior of a particular Japanese
with Americans. It is apparent that there would have to be a considerable
knowledge of situational variability, amount of social learning, and many
other factors before all the major variants of Japanese social behavior in
America with respect to status could be understood. While there is no need
to seek complete predictability of individual behavior, some attempt may be
made to show how the social behavior of the Japanese subjects of research
did vary in actual social situations in America, and to see if these
variants followed a consistent pattern.
Here is a list of values that some visitors from other cultures have
noticed are common to many Americans:
Informality (being casual and down-to-earth) Self-reliance (not
looking to others to solve your problems) Efficiency (getting things done
quickly and on time) Social equality (treating everyone the same)
Assertiveness (saying what's on your mind) Optimism (believing that the
best will always happen)
SEVEN STATEMENTS ABOUT AMERICANS
Here is a list of comments a non-American might make about an
Americans:
1. Americans are always in such a hurry to get things done!
2. Americans insist on treating everyone the same.
3. Americans always have to say what they're thinking!
4. Americans always want to change things.
5. Americans don't show very much respect for their elders.
6. Americans always think things are going to get better. They are
so optimistic!
7. Americans are so impatient!
Reasons some cultural anthropologists have offered to explain why
Americans may appear the way they do to people from other cultures.
Americans often seem this way because of their tendency to use
achievements and accomplishments as a measure of a person's worth. They're
in a hurry to get things done because it's only then that they feel they
have proven their worth to other people. The more Americans accomplish, the
more they feel they are respected.
Americans do this because of our cultural roots as a free nation
(e.g., "All men are created equal"). Americans have a deep cultural
instinct toward social equality and not having a class system. Ibis is a
reaction to the European class system as well as the feudal system that
existed in Europe. In cultures where inequality between social classes is
more accepted, American insistence on egalitarianism, or social equality,
may be annoying.
Americans believe that being direct is the most efficient way to
communicate. It's important to "tell it like it is" and "speak your mind" —
to say what you mean and mean what you say. Being direct is often valued
over "beating around the bush." Americans value "assertiveness" and being
open and direct about one's droughts and feelings. Not all cultures have
this same value. In some cultures, the "normal" way to disagree or to say
no is to say nothing or be very indirect.
Americans mink things can always be better, and that progress is
inevitable. The United States is just a little more than 200 years old, and
American culture tends to be an optimistic one. Older cultures are more
skeptical because they have been around longer, have experienced more, and
have been in situations in which progress was not always made. In American
businesses, being open to change is a strong value, because things really
do change quickly, and it is necessary to adapt. Many Americans believe it
is "good" to initiate change and "bad" to resist it.
Americans believe people must earn by their actions whatever regard or
respect they are given. Merely attaining a certain age or holding a certain
position does not in itself signify achievement.
6. Americans always think things are going to get better. They are so
optimistic!
America, because of its resources and successes, has always had a
culture of optimism. Americans believe that they are in control of their
own destinies, rather than being victims of fate. Many Americans tend to
believe that "the American dream" can be achieved by anyone who is willing
to work hard enough. Many Americans believe mat the only obstacle to things
getting better is "not trying hard enough." Americans also believe that a
personal lack of determination or effort can be "fixed." Other cultures may
believe more in fate ("what will be will be"). When something bad happens,
some members of these cultures believe it was fated to happen, must be
accepted, and cannot be changed.
Americans believe that if things take a long time to do, they won't be
able to do enough of them. Many Americans believe that more and faster is
better. They do not like to stand in line and wait, and they originated
"fast food." Americans believe that "getting things done" (and doing them
quickly) may be more important than other things. Many other cultures
believe that slower is better and that building and maintaining
relationships takes priority over "getting things done" at the expense of
relationships.
Americans are. . . (students of different countres)
What response would you give to these students? Do you consider their
observations biased? naive? limited? unfair? interesting? useless?
Student No.1-from Saudi Arabia: "I have learned three important things
about Americans since I came to the United States. First, I have learned
that all Americans are lively; they move and speak quickly, because time is
very important to them. Second, Americans are the same as the machine, they
do their work worthily but without any thinking, they just use the
instructions even if it is not completely right. Finally, they do not know
anything except their job, they do not know what is happened in their
country."
Student No.2-from Venezuela: "I have observed that Americans are
polite, pragmatic, and organized. Wherever you are in the United States you
can hear words of friendship and cordiality like, "May I help you?",
"Excuse me", "Have a nice day.", "Thank you", and many others. Another
characteristic is their pragmatism. Along years, Americans have worked a
lot in order to create many devices which have made their life more
comfortable. These devices not only save time but they also make things
easier. Last, but never least, Americans are very organized. Perhaps, for
the same fact that they are very pragmatic people, they have developed
different ways of organization that assure them better services. "
Student No.3-from Japan: "I have been learning about Americans since I
came here last September. First, Americans don't care what other people do
or what happened. For example, when I come out of my room my roommate never
ask me where you are going or where I went. Second, Americans are friendly
and open-minded. When I went to my roommate's home, I was welcomed by her
family. Her mother said to me immediately: "Help yourself to everything in
my home," and I was surprised to hear it. I thought that the words
indicated friendliness. In Japan we never open refrigerators or use my
friend's things without permissions, because to serve is a virtue in my
country. Third, Americans like cards, sometimes I can find cards are
delivered to my American friends without special reasons. As far as I look
at Americans, they seem not to care what other people do as a whole, while
they think it's important to keep relation-ships between them and their
friends and them and their parents."
AMERICANS AND MONEY
MARY'S FEELING BLUE
Mary Rathbun, 57, spent a restless night in the San Francisco jail
thinking about the "magical cookies" that she baked to add to her fixed
income. "The police wouldn't let me have one before I went to jail," she
said. "I might have slept better if they had." Mary started her home baking
business six months ago after a back injury forced her to quit her job as a
grave-yard shift waitress. "I was a waitress for 43 years. I was good at
it."
Mary's dozen magical brownies, which were baked with a lot of
marijuana, were taken Wednesday night from her apartment, along with 20
pounds of pot and large amounts of sugar, margarine and flour. Mary, who
has no previous criminal record, admitted doing a great business out of her
home selling her "health food cookies." She said that she wouldn't give
away her special recipe.
Mary advertised her "original recipe brownies" for $20 a dozen. Her
lack of carefulness, especially taking orders over the phone from anyone
amazed and amused the police officers who arrested her. "Life is a gamble.
I played by the rules for 57 years. Then I gambled and lost."
True, Americans enjoy money and the things it can buy. But in defense
of the so-called materialistic American, one expert in American culture
points out, ". . . however eager we are to make money, we are just as eager
to give it away. Any world disaster finds Americans writing checks to
relieve distress. Since the war we have seen the spectacle of the United
States sending billions and billions of dollars' worth of goods to
countries less fortunate than we. Write some of it off, if you will, to a
desire to buy political sympathy; there is still an overplus of goodwill
strictly and uniquely American. Generosity and materialism run side by
side."
The average American is also accused of being "rough around the edges"
-that is, of lacking sophistication in manners and understanding of things
cultural. He tries hard to polish those edges through education and travel.
But no matter how much he learns and sees, his interests are less with the
Страницы: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
