distinctions. Business is almost a universal value with us; it can be
discussed almost anywhere, except perhaps in church. One can even talk
business on the church steps going to and from the service. Politics is
only slightly more restricted in the places appropriate for its discussion.
In other parts of the world, there are decided place restrictions on
the discussion of business and politics. The American who is not conscious
of the unwritten laws will offend if he abides by his own rather than by
the local rules.
In India, you should not talk business when visiting a man's home. If
you do, you prejudice your chances of ever working out a satisfactory
business relationship.
In Latin America, although university students take an active interest
in politics, tradition decrees that a politician should avoid political
subjects when speaking on university grounds. A Latin American politician
commented to. anthropologist Allan Holmberg that neither he nor his fellow
politicians would have dared attempt a political speech on the grounds of
the University of San Marcos in Peru-as did Vice-President Nixon.
To complicate matters further, the student body of San Marcos,
anticipating the visit, had voted that Mr. Nixon would not be welcome. The
University Rector had issued no invitation, presumably because he expected
what did, in fact, happen.
As a final touch, Mr. Nixon's interpreter was a man in full military
uniform. In Latin American countries, some of which had recently overthrown
military dictators, the symbolism of the military uniform could hardly
contribute to a cordial atmosphere. Latin Americans need no reminder that
the United States is a great military power.
Mr. Nixon's efforts were planned in the best traditions of our own
culture; he hoped to improve relations through a direct, frank, and face-to-
face discussion with students-the future leaders of their country.
Unfortunately, this approach did not fit in at all with the culture of the
host country. Of course, elements hostile to the United States did their
best to capitalize upon this cross-cultural misunderstanding. However, even
Latin Americans friendly to us, while admiring the Vice President's
courage, found themselfes acutely embarrassed by the behavior of their
people and ours in the ensuing difficulties.
BEING COMFORTABLE IN SPACE
Like time and place, differing ideas of space hide traps for the
uninformed. Without realizing it, almost any person raised in the United
States is likely to give an unintended snub to a Latin American simply in
the way we handle space relationships, particularly during conversations.
In North America, the "proper" distance to stand when talking to
another adult male you do not know well is about two feet, at least in a
formal business conversation. (Naturally at a cocktail party, the distance
shrinks, but anything under eight to ten inches is likely to provoke an
apology or an attempt to back up.)
To a Latin American, with his cultural traditions and habits, a
distance of two feet seems to him approximately what five feet would to us.
To him, we seem distant and cold. To us, he gives an impression of
pushiness.
As soon as a Latin American moves close enough for him to feel
comfortable, we feel uncomfortable and edge back. We once observed a
Conversation between a Latin and a North American which began at one end of
a forty-foot hall. At intervals we noticed them again, finally at the other
end of the hall. This rather amusing displacement had been accomplished by
an almost continual series of small backward steps on the part of the
American, trying unconsciously to reach a comfortable talking distance, and
an equal closing of the gap by the Latin American as he attempted to reach
his accustomed conversation space.
Americans in their offices in Latin America tend to keep their native
acquaintances at our distance-not the Latin American's distance-by taking
up a position behind a desk or typewriter. The barricade approach to
communication is practiced even by old hands in Latin America who are
completely unaware of its cultural significance. They know only that they
are comfortable without realizing that the distance and equipment
unconsciously make the Latin American uncomfortable.
HOW CLASS CHANNELS COMMUNICATION
We would be mistaken to regard the communication patterns which we
observe around the world as no more than a miscellaneous collection of
customs. The communication pattern of a given society is part of its total
culture pattern and can only be understood in that context.
We cannot undertake here to relate many examples of communication
behavior to the underlying culture of the country. For the businessman, it
might be useful to mention the difficulties in the relationship between
social levels and the problem of information feedback from lower to higher
levels in industrial organizations abroad.
There is in Latin America a pattern of human relations and
unionmanagement relations quite different from that with which we are
familiar in the United States. Everett Hagen of MIT has noted the heavier
emphasis upon line authority and the lesser development of staff
organizations in Latin-American plants when compared with North American
counterparts. To a much greater extent than in the United States, the
government becomes involved in the handling of all kinds of labor problems.
These differences seem to be clearly related to the culture and
social organization of Latin America. We find there that society has been
much more rigidly stratified than it has with us. As a corollary, we find a
greater emphasis upon authority in family and the community.
This emphasis upon status and class distinction makes it very
difficult for people of different status levels to express themselves
freely and frankly in discussion and argument. In the past, the pattern has
been for the man of lower status to express deference to his superior in
any face-to-face contact. This is so even when everyone knows that the
subordinate dislikes the superior. The culture of Latin America places a
great premium upon keeping personal relations harmonious on the surface.
In the United States, we feel that it is not only desirable but
natural to speak up to your superior, to tell the boss exactly what you
think, even when you disagree with him. Of course, we do not always do
this, but we think that we should, and we feel guilty if we fail to speak
our minds frankly. When workers in our factories first get elected to local
union office, they may find themselves quite self-conscious about speaking
up to the boss and arguing grievances. Many of them, however, quickly learn
to do it and enjoy the experience. American culture emphasizes the
thrashing-out of differences in face-to-face contacts. It de-emphasizes the
importance of status. As a result, we have built institutions for handling
industrial disputes on the basis of the local situation, and we rely on
direct discussion by the parties immediately involved.
In Latin America, where it is exceedingly difficult for people to
express their differences face-to-face and where status differences and
authority are much more strongly emphasized than here, the workers tend to
look to a third party-the government-to take care of their problems. Though
the workers have great difficulty in thrashing out their problems with
management, they find no difficulty in telling government representatives
their problems. And it is to their government that they look for an
authority to settle their grievances with management.
Status and class also decide whether business will be done on an
individual or a group basis.
In the United States, we are growing more and more accustomed to
working as members of large organizations. Despite this, we still assume
that there is no need to send a delegation to do a job that one capable man
might well handle.
In some other parts of the world, the individual cannot expect to gain
the respect necessary to accomplish this purpose, no matter how capable he
is, unless he brings along an appropriate number of associates.
In the United States, we would rarely think it necessary or proper to
call on a customer in a group. He might well be antagonized by the hard
sell.
In Japan-as an example-the importance of the occasion and of the man
is measured by whom he takes along.
This practice goes far down in the business and government
hierarchies.
Even a university professor is likely to bring one or two retainers
along on academic business. Otherwise people might think that he was a
nobody and that his affairs were of little moment.
Even when a group is involved in the U.S., the head man is the
spokes man and sets the tone. This is not always the case in Japan. Two
young Japanese once requested an older American widely respected in Tokyo
to accompany them so that they could "stand on his face." He was not
expected to enter into the negotiation; his function was simply to be
present as an indication that their intentions were serious.
ADJUSTMENT GOES BOTH WAYS
One need not have devoted his life to a study of various cultures to
see that none of them is static. All are constantly changing and one
element of change is the very fact that U.S. enterprise enters a foreign
field. This is inevitable and may be constructive if we know how to utilize
our knowledge. The problem is for us to be aware of our impact and to learn
how to induce changes skillfully.
Rather than try to answer the general question of how two cultures
interact, we will consider the key problem of personnel selection and
development in two particular intercultural situations, both in Latin
cultures.
One U.S. company had totally different experiences with "Smith" and
"Jones" in the handling of its labor relations. The local union leaders
were bitterly hostile to Smith, whereas they could not praise Jones enough.
These were puzzling reactions to higher management. Smith seemed a fair
minded and understanding man; it was difficult to fathom how anyone could
be bitter against him. At the same time, Jones did not appear to be
currying favor by his generosity in giving away the firm's assets. To
management, he seemed to be just as firm a negotiator as Smith.
The explanation was found in the two men's communication
characteristics. When the union leaders came in to negotiate with Smith, he
would let them state their case fully and freely-without interruption, but
also without comment. When they had finished, he would say, "I'm sorry, We
can't do it." He would follow this blunt statement with a brief and
entirely cogent explanation of his reasons for refusal. If the union
leaders persisted in their arguments, Smith would paraphrase his first
statement, calmly and succinctly. In either case, the discussion was over
in a few minutes. The union leaders would storm out of Smith's office
complaining bitterly about the cold and heartless man with whom they had to
deal.
Jones handled the situation differently. His final conclusion was the
same as Smith's-but he would state it only after two or three hours of
discussion. Furthermore, Jones participated actively in these discussions,
questioning the union leaders for more information, relating the case in
question to previous cases, philosophizing about labor relations and human
rights and exchanging stories about work experience. When the discussion
came to an end, the union leaders would leave the office, commenting on how
warmhearted and understanding he was, and how confident they were that he
would help them when it was possible for him to do so, They actually seemed
more satisfied with a negative decision from Jones than they did with a
hard-won concession from Smith.
This was clearly a case where the personality of Jones happened to
match certain discernible requirements of the Latin American culture. It
was happenstance in this case that Jones worked out and Smith did not, for
by American standards both were top-flight men. Since a talent for the kind
of negotiation that the Latin American considers graceful and acceptable
can hardly be developed in a grown man (or perhaps even in a young one),
the basic problem is one of personnel selection in terms of the culture
where the candidate is to work.
The second case is more complicated because it involves much deeper
intercultural adjustments. The management of the parent V.S. company
concerned had learned-as have the directors of most large firms with good-
sized installations overseas-that one cannot afford to have all of the top
and middle-management positions manned by North Americans. It is necessary
to advance nationals up the overseas-management ladder as rapidly as their
abilities permit. So the nationals have to learn not only the technical
aspects of their jobs but also how to function at higher levels in the
organization.
Latin culture emphasizes authority in the home, church, and community.
Within the organization this produces a built-in hesitancy about speaking
up to one's superiors. The initiative, the acceptance of responsibility
which we value in our organizations had to be stimulated. How could it be
done?
We observed one management man who had done a remarkable job of
building up these very qualities in his general foremen and foremen. To
begin with, he stimulated informal contacts between himself and these men
through social events to which the men and their wives came. He saw to it
that his senior North American assistants and their wives were' also
present. Knowing the language, he mixed freely with all. At the plant, he
circulated about, dropped in not to inspect or check up, but to joke and to
break down the great barrier that existed in the local traditions between
authority and the subordinates.
Next, he developed a pattern of three-level meetings. At the top, he
himself, the superintendents, and the general foremen. At the middle level,
the superintendents, general foremen, and foremen. Then the general
foremen, foremen, and workers.
At the top level meeting, the American management chief set the
pattern of encouraging his subordinates to challenge his own ideas, to come
up with original thoughts. When his superintendents (also North Americans)
disagreed with him, he made it clear that they were to state their
objections fully. At first, the general foreman looked surprised and
uneasy. They noted, however, that the senior men who argued with the boss
were encouraged and praised. Timorously, with great hesitation, they began
to add their own suggestions. As time went on, they more and more accepted
the new convention and pitched in without inhibition.
The idea of challenging the boss with constructive new ideas gradually
filtered down to the second and third level meetings. It took a lot of time
and gentle handling, but .out of this approach grew an extraordinary
morale. The native general foremen and foremen developed new pride in
themselves, accepted new responsibilities, even reached out for more. They
began to work to improve their capacities and to look forward to moving up
in the hierarchy.
CUISINE, ETIQUETTE & CULTURAL VALUES
Also, it is necessary to note that food is one of the most enjoyable
ways to experience another culture.
WHAT'S A "STAPLE" FOOD?
Every culture has staple foods. A staple food is a food that is rich
in carbohydrates, that is eaten daily, and that is a primary source of
calories and life energy. Rice is the staple food of much of Asia: from
China & Japan to Sri Lanka & India. For example, many Japanese eat rice
three times a day — with breakfast, lunch and dinner. If there is no rice,
diners feel dissatisfied: the meal simply is not complete.
Cuisine and Etiquette in Zambia
In traditional families, mothers eat together with the girls and the
small boys. Boys age seven and older eat with the father. This is because
all of the children below the age of seven live under the guidance of their
mother and much learning takes place through daily activities in the home.
Ibis is changing, however, especially in towns and cities. The new trend1
is that all members of the family eat together.
Before eating, everybody washes hands in order of the status of the
members of the family: father first, then mother, and the children follow
according to their ages. If a visitor happens to have a meal with the
family, he or she is given the honor of washing first.
It is rude to talk very much or loudly while eating. After eating, the
family members wash their hands again in the same order. The wife and the
young ones clear the table. Burping after a meal is a traditional
compliment, but it is not quite so common nowadays.
Zambia's staple food is maize (corn), and the inhabitants eat maize in
several ways. When the corn is new, it can be roasted or boiled. When it is
dry, it can be fried or boiled, either by itself or mixed with beans or
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